By the mid-sixties, blue jeans were an essential part of the wardrobe of those with a commitment to social struggle. In the American Deep South, black farmers and grandchildren of slaves still segregated from whites, continued to wear jeans in their mid-nineteenth-century sense; but now they were joined by college students-black and white-in a battle to overturn deeply embedded race hatred. The clothes of the workers became a sacred bond between them. The clothing of toil came to signify the dignity of struggle.
In the student rebellion and the antiwar movement that followed, blue jeans and work shirts provided a contrast to the uniforms of the dominant culture. Jeans were the opposite of high fashion, the opposite of the suit or military uniform.
With the rise of the women’s movement in the late 1960s, the political significance of dress became increasingly explicit; Rejecting orthodox sex roles, blue jeans were a woman’s weapon against uncomfortable popular fashions and the view that women should be passive. This was the cloth of action; the cloth of labor became the badge of freedom.
If blue jeans were for rebels in the 1960s and early 1970s, by the 1980s they had become a foundation of fashion-available in a variety of colors, textures, fabrics, and fit. These simple pants have made the long journey "from workers’ clothes to cultural revolt to status symbol."
On television, in magazine advertising, on the sides of buildings and buses, jeans call out to us. Their humble past is obscured; practical roots arc incorporated into a new aesthetic. Jeans are now the universal symbol of the individual and Western democracy. They are the costume of liberated women, with a fit tight enough to restrict like the harness of old-but with the look of freedom and motion.
In blue jeans, fashion reveals itself as a complex world of history and change. Yet looking at fashions, in and of themselves, reveals situations that often defy understanding. Our ability to understand a specific fashion-the current one of jeans, for example-shows us that as we try to make sense of it, our confusion intensifies. It is a fashion whose very essence is contradiction and confusion.
To pursue the goal of understanding is to move beyond the actual cloth itself, toward the more general phenomenon of fashion and the world in which it has risen to importance. Exploring the role of fashion within the social and political history of industrial America helps to reveal the parameters and possibilities of American society. The ultimate question is whether the development of images of rebellion into mass-produced fashions has actually resulted in social change.
What is the most striking feature of jeans in the women’s movement
A:The cloth of action. B:The orthodox sex roles. C:Their political significance. D:The weapon against uncomfortable popular fashions.
Sadness isn’t manly—this Eric Weaver knew. When depression engulfed this New York police sergeant, it took a different guise: a near-constant state of anger. "One minute I’d be okay and the next minute I’d be screaming at my kids and punching the wall," he recalls. "My kids would ask, ’What’s wrong with Daddy Why’s he so mad all the time’" For years, Weaver didn’t know what was wrong.
Weaver’s confusion about what tortured him was not unusual. Roughly a third of the 18 million or more Americans who suffer depression each year are men. Yet all too often, experts say, men fail to recognize the symptoms and get the treatment they need.
For years, experts suspected that gender makes a big difference in depression. Studies from New York to New Zealand have repeatedly found the same startling statistic: About twice as many women as men suffer from depression. That finding was considered one of the bedrock facts of modern mental health. Yet it has recently come under attack from critics who are concerned about underreporting of male depression.
William Pollack, Director of the Center for Men at McLean Hospital, is leading the charge against the well-entrenched depression gender gap. He argues that men’s rate of depression may be nearly equal to women’s. Just look at suicide rates, he says: Male suicides outnumber females four to one. That ratio "is way too high to say that men’s depression numbers are so low," he notes.
Pollack and others contend that male depression goes unrecognized because, unlike the female version, it often doesn’t fit the textbook signs—at least in the early stages. Clinical depression at later stages looks much the same in both sexes. But in the prelude to a breakdown, that deepening despair is often expressed in very different ways. Instead of being weepy, men are more apt to be irritable and angry—moods that aren’t included in the classic diagnostic tests. "Their sadness and helplessness are hidden behind a mask of anger," says Pollack.
"Men tend to act out" to avoid dealing with uncomfortable feelings, adds Fredric Rabinowitz, a psychologist who works primarily with men. If they feel bad, they’re apt to get into fights on the job or at home, withdraw from family and friends, become obsessed with work or hobbies. Most significantly, men often turn to drinking or drugs. Men have two to four times the rate of substance abuse problems as women, and Pollack contends that if this was recognized as a sign of depression, the gender gap would substantially narrow.
By saying "Men tend to act out" (Line 1, Para. 6), the author implies that______.
A:men often fight outside B:men usually hide their uncomfortable feelings C:men would choose violent acts outside D:men are easily offended by others
By the mid-sixties, blue jeans were an essential part of the wardrobe of those with a commitment to social struggle. In the American Deep South, black farmers and grandchildren of slaves still segregated from whites, continued to wear jeans in their mid-nineteenth-century sense; but now they were joined by college students-black and white-in a battle to overturn deeply embedded race hatred. The clothes of the workers became a sacred bond between them. The clothing of toil came to signify the dignity of struggle.
In the student rebellion and the antiwar movement that followed, blue jeans and work shirts provided a contrast to the uniforms of the dominant culture. Jeans were the opposite of high fashion, the opposite of the suit or military uniform.
With the rise of the women’s movement in the late 1960s, the political significance of dress became increasingly explicit; Rejecting orthodox sex roles, blue jeans were a woman’s weapon against uncomfortable popular fashions and the view that women should be passive. This was the cloth of action; the cloth of labor became the badge of freedom.
If blue jeans were for rebels in the 1960s and early 1970s, by the 1980s they had become a foundation of fashion-available in a variety of colors, textures, fabrics, and fit. These simple pants have made the long journey "from workers’ clothes to cultural revolt to status symbol."
On television, in magazine advertising, on the sides of buildings and buses, jeans call out to us. Their humble past is obscured; practical roots arc incorporated into a new aesthetic. Jeans are now the universal symbol of the individual and Western democracy. They are the costume of liberated women, with a fit tight enough to restrict like the harness of old-but with the look of freedom and motion.
In blue jeans, fashion reveals itself as a complex world of history and change. Yet looking at fashions, in and of themselves, reveals situations that often defy understanding. Our ability to understand a specific fashion-the current one of jeans, for example-shows us that as we try to make sense of it, our confusion intensifies. It is a fashion whose very essence is contradiction and confusion.
To pursue the goal of understanding is to move beyond the actual cloth itself, toward the more general phenomenon of fashion and the world in which it has risen to importance. Exploring the role of fashion within the social and political history of industrial America helps to reveal the parameters and possibilities of American society. The ultimate question is whether the development of images of rebellion into mass-produced fashions has actually resulted in social change
A:The cloth of action. B:The orthodox sex roles. C:Their political significance. D:The weapon against uncomfortable popular fashions.
Sadness isn’t manly—this Eric Weaver knew. When depression engulfed this New York police sergeant, it took a different guise: a near-constant state of anger. "One minute I’d be okay and the next minute I’d be screaming at my kids and punching the wall," he recalls. "My kids would ask, ’What’s wrong with Daddy Why’s he so mad all the time’" For years, Weaver didn’t know what was wrong.
Weaver’s confusion about what tortured him was not unusual. Roughly a third of the 18 million or more Americans who suffer depression each year are men. Yet all too often, experts say, men fail to recognize the symptoms and get the treatment they need.
For years, experts suspected that gender makes a big difference in depression. Studies from New York to New Zealand have repeatedly found the same startling statistic: About twice as many women as men suffer from depression. That finding was considered one of the bedrock facts of modern mental health. Yet it has recently come under attack from critics who are concerned about underreporting of male depression.
William Pollack, Director of the Center for Men at McLean Hospital, is leading the charge against the well-entrenched depression gender gap. He argues that men’s rate of depression may be nearly equal to women’s. Just look at suicide rates, he says: Male suicides outnumber females four to one. That ratio "is way too high to say that men’s depression numbers are so low," he notes.
Pollack and others contend that male depression goes unrecognized because, unlike the female version, it often doesn’t fit the textbook signs—at least in the early stages. Clinical depression at later stages looks much the same in both sexes. But in the prelude to a breakdown, that deepening despair is often expressed in very different ways. Instead of being weepy, men are more apt to be irritable and angry—moods that aren’t included in the classic diagnostic tests. "Their sadness and helplessness are hidden behind a mask of anger," says Pollack.
"Men tend to act out" to avoid dealing with uncomfortable feelings, adds Fredric Rabinowitz, a psychologist who works primarily with men. If they feel bad, they’re apt to get into fights on the job or at home, withdraw from family and friends, become obsessed with work or hobbies. Most significantly, men often turn to drinking or drugs. Men have two to four times the rate of substance abuse problems as women, and Pollack contends that if this was recognized as a sign of depression, the gender gap would substantially narrow.
A:men often fight outside B:men usually hide their uncomfortable feelings C:men would choose violent acts outside D:men are easily offended by others
Shoes are outer coverings for the foot. They have soles, and most have heels. The upper part of most shoes extend no higher than the ankle. Boots are footwear that reach beyond the ankle. People wear shoes to protect their feet from harsh weather, sharp objects, and uncomfortable surfaces. Shoes are also an important part of people’s clothing. As a result, fashion often determines the style of shoes that individuals wear. The desire to be fashionable has led to many unusual shoe styles. In the 1300’s, many European men wore shoes called crackowes, which had an extremely long toe. From the 1300’s to the 1700’s, some European women wore shoes with really thick soles causing walking to be virtually impossible without support. Shoes once worn in the Orient were connected to a stilt (高跷) as high as six inches.
Traditionally, most shoes are made of leather. But many other materials are now used. Including canvas, velvet, and synthetic substances such as plastics. Footwear materials and style vary somewhat, depending on climate, custom, or other differences. Farmers in Netherlands often wear heavy wooden shoes that protect their feet from the damp environment while Japanese wear shoes outside their home but prefer soft slippers at home. In fact, people in some regions often wear foot coverings other than shoes. Some wear sandals during the hot summer and switch to warm boots for the cold winter.
A:Boots are defined to be higher than shoes. B:People in the 1300’s to 1700’s like to wear uncomfortable shoes. C:People in Japan do not like to wear shoes. D:History has proven that the best shoes are made of leather.
Washington felt uncomfortable in Congress debates because he ______.
A:lacked practice in public speaking B:felt his education was inadequate C:didn't like arguing and debating with people D:felt that the others were being impractical
{{B}}第二篇{{/B}}
Call American Their names ? ?A great difference between American social customs and those of other countries is the way in which names are used. Americans have little concern for "rank", especially socially. Most Americans do not want to be treated in any especially respectful way because of their age or social rank ; it makes them feel uncomfortable. Many Americans even find the terms "Mr. ", "Mrs. " or "Miss" too formal. People of all ages may prefer to be called by their first names. "Don’t call me Mrs. Smith. Just call me Sally. " Using only first names usually indicates friendliness and acceptance. However, if you do not feel comfortable using only first names, it is quite acceptable to be more for mal. Just smile and say that after a while you will use first names but you are accustomed to being more when you first meet someone. ? ?Very often, introductions are made using both first and last names: "Mary Smith, this is John Jones. " In this situation you are free to decide whether to call the lady "Mary" or "Miss Smith".Sometimes both of you will begin a conversation using last names, and after a while one or both of you may begin using first names instead. You have a choice : if you don’t want to use first names so quickly, no one will think it impolite if you continue according to you own custom. |
A:Americans do not talk about rank, especially socially B:Americans feel uncomfortable when talking about rank C:Americans take interests in social customs D:Americans don’t care much about social rank
A:Americans do not talk about rank, especially socially B:Americans feel uncomfortable when talking about rank C:Americans take interests in social customs D:Americans don’t care much about social rank
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