PACS与HIS、RIS、LIS,远程放射学系统等子系统一起构成医院的临床综合信息管理和应用系统。
HIS的中文含义是
A:健康信息系统 B:放射信息系统 C:图像采集系统 D:医院信息系统 E:生化图像系统
Text 1
Yasuhisa Shizoki, a 51-year old MP from Japan’s ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), starts tapping his finger on the dismal economic chart on his coffee table. "Unless we change the decision-making process," he says bluntly, "we are not going to be able to solve this kind of problem." With the economy in such a mess, it may seem a bit of a diversion to be trying to sort out Japan’s political structures as well as its economic problems.
Since co-writing a report on political reform, which was released by an LDP panel last week, Mr Shiozaki has further upset the party’s old guard. Its legionaries, flanked by columns of the bureaucracy, continue to hamper most attempts to overhaul the economy. Junichiro Koizumi was supposed to change all that, by going over their heads and appealing directly to the public. Yet nearly a year after becoming prime minister, Mr Koizumi has precious little to show for his efforts. His popularity is now flagging and his determination is increasingly in doubt.
As hopes of immediate economic reform fade, optimists are focusing on another potential benefit of Mr Koizumi’s tenure. They hope that his highly personalized style of leadership will pave the way for a permanent change in Japanese politics: towards more united and authoritative cabinets that are held directly accountable for their policies. As that hap pens, the thinking goes, real economic reforms will be able to follow. Unfortunately, damage limitation in the face of scandal too often substitutes for real reform. More often, the scandals serve merely as distractions. What is really needed is an overhaul of the rules themselves.
A leading candidate for change is the 40-year-old system--informal but religiously followed--through which the LDP machinery vets every bill before it ever gets to parliament. Most legislation starts in the LDP’s party committees, which mirror the parliamentary committee structure. Proposals then go through two higher LDP bodies, which hammer out political deals to smooth their passage. Only then does the prime minister’s cabinet get fully involved in approving the policy. Most issues have been decided by the LDP mandarins long before they reach this point, let alone the floor of parliament, leaving even the prime minister limited influence, and allowing precious little room for public debate and even less for accountability.
As a result, progress will probably remain slow. Since they know that political reform leads to economic reform, and hence poses a threat to their interests, most of the LDP will resist any real changes. But at least a handful of insiders have now bought into one of Mr Koizumi’s best slogans: "Change the LDP, change Japan."
A:to introduce the topic of economic reforms. B:to honor his unique service to the LDP. C:to highlight his ability to solve problems. D:to show how he sort out his slogans.
Text 1
Yasuhisa Shizoki, a SI-year-old MP from Japan’s ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), starts tapping his finger on the dismal economic chart on his coffee table. "Unless we change the decision-making process," he says bluntly, "we are not going to be able to solve this kind of problem." With the economy in such a mess, it may seem a bit of a diversion to be trying to sort out Japan’s political structures as well as its economic problems.
Since co-writing a report on political reform, which was released by an LDP panel last week, Mr. Shizoki has further upset the party’s old guard. Its legionaries, flanked by columns of the bureaucracy, continue to hamper most attempts to overhaul the economy. Junichiro Koizumi was supposed to change all that, by going over their heads and appealing directly to the public. Yet nearly a year after becoming prime minister, Mr. Koizumi has precious little to show for his efforts. His popularity is now flagging and his determination is increasingly in doubt.
As hopes of immediate economic reform fade, optimists are focusing on another potential benefit of Mr. Koizumi’s tenure. They hope that his highly personalized style of leadership will pave the way for a permanent change in Japanese politics: towards more united and authoritative cabinets that are held directly accountable for their policies. As that happens, the thinking goes, real economic reforms will be able to follow. Unfortunately, damage-limitation in the face of scandal too often substitutes for real reform. More often, the scandals serve merely as distractions. What is really needed is an overhaul of the rules themselves.
A leading candidate for change is the 40-year-old system--informal but religiously followed-through which the LDP machinery vets every bill before it ever gets to parliament. Most legislation starts in the LDP’s party committees, which mirror the parliamentary committee structure. Proposals then go through two higher LDP bodies, which hammer out political deals to smooth their passage. Only then does the prime minister’s cabinet get fully involved in approving the policy. Most issues have been decided by the LDP mandarins long before they reach this point, let alone the floor of parliament, leaving even the prime minister limited influence, and allowing precious little room for public debate and even less for accountability.
As a result, progress will probably remain slow. Since they know that political reform leads to economic reform, and hence poses a threat to their interests, most of the LDP will resist any real changes. But at least a handful of insiders have now brought into one of Mr. Koizumi’s best slogans: "Change the LDP, change Japan."
A:introduce the topic of economic reforms. B:honor his unique service to the LDP. C:highlight his ability to solve problems. D:show how he sort out his slogans.
Section Ⅱ Reading Comprehension Part A Directions: Reading the following four texts. Answer the questions below each text by choosing A, B, C or D. Mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET 1. (40 points) Text 1 Yasuhisa Shizoki, a 51-year old MP from Japan’s ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), starts tapping his finger on the dismal economic chart on his coffee table. "Unless we change the decision-making process," he says bluntly, "we are not going to be able to solve this kind of problem." With the economy in such a mess, it may seem a bit of a diversion to be trying to sort out Japan’s political structures as well as its economic problems. Since co-writing a report on political reform, which was released by an LDP panel last week, Mr Shiozaki has further upset the party’s old guard. Its legionaries, flanked by columns of the bureaucracy, continue to hamper most attempts to overhaul the economy. Junichiro Koizumi was supposed to change all that, by going over their heads and appealing directly to the public. Yet nearly a year after becoming prime minister, Mr Koizumi has precious little to show for his efforts. His popularity is now flagging and his determination is increasingly in doubt. As hopes of immediate economic reform fade, optimists are focusing on another potential benefit of Mr Koizumi’s tenure. They hope that his highly personalized style of leadership will pave the way for a permanent change in Japanese politics: towards more united and authoritative cabinets that are held directly accountable for their policies. As that hap pens, the thinking goes, real economic reforms will be able to follow. Unfortunately, damage limitation in the face of scandal too often substitutes for real reform. More often, the scandals serve merely as distractions. What is really needed is an overhaul of the rules themselves. A leading candidate for change is the 40-year-old system--informal but religiously followed--through which the LDP machinery vets every bill before it ever gets to parliament. Most legislation starts in the LDP’s party committees, which mirror the parliamentary committee structure. Proposals then go through two higher LDP bodies, which hammer out political deals to smooth their passage. Only then does the prime minister’s cabinet get fully involved in approving the policy. Most issues have been decided by the LDP mandarins long before they reach this point, let alone the floor of parliament, leaving even the prime minister limited influence, and allowing precious little room for public debate and even less for accountability. As a result, progress will probably remain slow. Since they know that political reform leads to economic reform, and hence poses a threat to their interests, most of the LDP will resist any real changes. But at least a handful of insiders have now bought into one of Mr Koizumi’s best slogans: "Change the LDP, change Japan."
The diversion Yasuhisa Shizoki enjoys is mentioned in the text to()A:to introduce the topic of economic reforms. B:to honor his unique service to the LDP. C:to highlight his ability to solve problems. D:to show how he sort out his slogans.
A:His anger. B:His criticism. C:His agreement. D:His doubt.
A:His anger. B:His criticism. C:His agreement. D:His doubt.
A:His anger. B:His criticism. C:His agreement. D:His doubt.
A:His anger. B:His criticism. C:His agreement. D:His doubt.
What does Jerry Bingham express by saying "1 remain to be convinced"?
A:His anger. B:His criticism. C:His agreement. D:His doubt.
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Quality{{/B}} ? ?A new anti-cheating system for counting the judges’ scores in ice skating is flawed, according to leading sports specialists. Ice skating’s governing body announced the new rules last week after concerns that a judge at the Winter Olympics may have been unfairly influenced. ? ?Initially the judges in the pairs figure-skating event at the Winter Olympics in Salt Lake City voted 5 to 4 to give the gold medal to a Russian pair, even though they had a fall during their routine. But the International Skating Union suspended the French judge for failing to reveal that she had been put under pressure to vote for the Russians. The International Olympics Committee then decided to give a second gold to the Canadian runners-up (亚军). ? ?The ISU, skating’s governing body, now says it intends to change the rules. In future 14 judges will judge each event, but only 7 of their scores—selected at random—will count. ? ?The ISU won’t finally approve the new system until it meets in June but already UK Sport, the British Government’s sports body, has expressed reservations. "1 remain to be convinced that the random selection system would offer the guarantees that everyone concerned with ethical sport is looking for", says Jerry Bingham, UK Sport’s head of ethics (伦理). ? ?A random system can still be manipulated, says Mark Dixon, a specialist on sports statistics from the Royal Statistical Society in London. "The score of one or two judges who have been hobbled (受到贿赂) may still be in the seven selected." ? ?Many ether sports that have judges, including diving, gymnastics, and synchronized swimming, have a system that discards the highest and lowest scores; If a judge was under pressure to favour a particular team, they would tend to give it very high scores and mark down the opposition team, so their scores wouldn’t count. It works for diving, says Jeff Cook, a member of the international government body’s technical committee. "If you remove those at the top and bottom you’re left with those in the middle, so you’re getting a reasonable average." ? ?Since the 2000 Olympics in Sydney, diving has tightened up in its system still further. Two separate panels of judges score different rounds of diving during top competitions. Neither panel knows the scores given by the other. "We have clone this to head off any suggestion of bias," says Cook. ? ?Bingham urged the ISU to consider other options. "This should involve examining the way in which other sports deal with the problem of adjudicating (裁定) on matter of style and presentation," he says. |
A:His anger. B:His criticism. C:His agreement. D:His doubt.
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