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George Mason must rank with John Adams and James Madison as one of the three Founding Fathers who left their personal imprint (印记) on the fundamental law of the United States. He was the principal author of the Virginia Declaration of Rights, which, because of its early formation, greatly influenced other state constitutions framed during the Revolution and, through them, the Federal Bill of Rights of 1791.
Yet Mason was essentially a private person with very little inclination for public office or the ordinary operation of politics beyond the country level. His appearances in the Virginia colonial and state legislatures were relatively brief, and not until 1787 did he consent to represent his state at a continental or national congress or convention. Politics was never more than a means for Masson. He was at all times a man of public spirit, hut politics was never a way of life, never for long his central concern. It took a revolution to pry him away from home and family at Gunston Hall, mobilize his skill and energy for constitutional constrnction, and transform him, in one brief moment of brilliant leadership, into a statesman whose work would endure to influence the lives and fortunes of those "millions yet unborn" of whom he and his generation of Americans spoke so frequently and thought so constantly.

The author regards George Mason’s personal contribution to American law as（　）

A:not comparable to that of Adams or Madison B:greater than that of either Adams or Madison C:of the same importance as that of Adams and Madison D:second in importance only to that of Adams and Madison

Passage One
George Mason must rank with John Adams and James Madison as one of the three Founding Fathers who left their personal imprint(印记) on the fundamental law of the United States. He was the principal author of the Virginia Declaration of Rights, which, because of its early formation, greatly influenced other state constitutions framed during the Revolution and, through them, the Federal Bill of ]Rights of 1791.
Yet Mason was essentially a private person with very. little inclination for public office or the ordinary operation of politics beyond the country level. His appearances in the Virginia colonial and state legislatures were relatively brief, and not until 1787 did he consent to represent his state at a continental or national congress or convention. Politics was never more than a means for Masson. He was at all times a man of public spirit, but politics was never a way of life, never for long his central concern. It took a revolution to pry him away from home and family at Gunston Hall, mobilize his skill and energy for constitutional construction, and transform him, in one brief moment of brilliant leadership, into a statesman whose work would endure to influence the lives and fortunes of those" millions yet unborn" of whom he and his generation of Americans spoke so frequently and thought so constantly.

The author regards George Mason's personal contribution to American law as （）

A:not comparable to that of Adams or Madison B:greater than that Of either Adams or Madison C:of the same importance as that of Adams and Madison D:second in importance only to that of Adams and Madison

George Mason must rank with John Adams and James Madison as one of the three Founding Fathers who left their personal imprint (印记) on the fundamental law of the United States. He was the principal author of the Virginia Declaration of Rights, which, because of its early formation, greatly influenced other state constitutions framed during the Revolution and, through them, the Federal Bill of Rights of 1791.
Yet Mason was essentially a private person with very little inclination for public office or the ordinary operation of politics beyond the country level. His appearances in the Virginia colonial and state legislatures were relatively brief, and not until 1787 did he consent to represent his state at a continental or national congress or convention. Politics was never more than a means for Masson. He was at all times a man of public spirit, hut politics was never a way of life, never for long his central concern. It took a revolution to pry him away from home and family at Gunston Hall, mobilize his skill and energy for constitutional constrnction, and transform him, in one brief moment of brilliant leadership, into a statesman whose work would endure to influence the lives and fortunes of those "millions yet unborn" of whom he and his generation of Americans spoke so frequently and thought so constantly.
The author regards George Mason’s personal contribution to American law as ______.

A:not comparable to that of Adams or Madison B:greater than that of either Adams or Madison C:of the same importance as that of Adams and Madison D:second in importance only to that of Adams and Madison

Directions: There are five reading passages in this part. Each passage is followed by five questions. For each question there are four suggested answers marked A, B, C and D. Choose the best answer and blacken the corresponding letter on ANSWER SHEET I.
Passage One

The author regards George Mason’s personal contribution to American law as ______.

A:not comparable to that of Adams or Madison B:greater than that of either Adams or Madison C:of the same importance as that of Adams and Madison D:second in importance only to that of Adams and Madison

A measure declaring English the national language is under intense debate in the United States. The US Senate passed two declarations last week. One calls English the nation’s official language and the other says it is the "common and unifying (统一的)" tongue. But Americans found themselves divided on the issue.
Since people worldwide know that most Americans speak only English, many can’t understand why the issue is so controversial (有争议的).
"The discussion is related to fears of immigration issues," says Dick Tucker, a social scientist at Pittsburgh’s Carnegie Mellon University. " It’s related to a worry about the changing demography (人口统计) of the US. It’s a worry about who will continue to have political and economic influence. "
In fact, the notion of protecting the language has been kicked around almost since the nation’s founding. John Adams lobbied (游说) in 1780 for the creation of a national academy to correct and improve the English language. But his proposal died, since lawmakers saw it as a royalist (保皇主义者) attempt to define personal behavior.
Since then, the country hasn’t had a national language, but the idea of recognizing the special status of English lived on.
The emotions surrounding language resurface (再次浮现) not because people feel comfortable with English. It is more about the discomfort many Americans feel with the new languages, says Walt Wolfram, a professor at North Carolina State University.
"Language is never about language," he says.
According to the 2000 US Census Bureau report, of 209 million Americans over 18 years old, 172 million speak only English at home. About 37 million speak languages other than English. Among them, 6. 5 million speak poor English and 3. 1 million don’t speak English at all.
Who suggested in the 18th century that English should be protected

A:Walt Wolfram. B:John Adams. C:Royalists. D:Dick Tucker.

{{B}}第三篇{{/B}}

Who suggested in the 18th century that English should be protected?

A:Walt Wolfram. B:John Adams. C:Royalists. D:Dick Tucker.

第三篇 A Debate on the English Language A measure declaring English the national language is under intense debate in the United States.The US Senate passed two declarations last week.One calls English the nation’s official language and the other says it is the “common and unifying(统一的)”tongue.But Americans found themselves divided on the issue. Since people worldwide know that most Americans speak only English,many can’t understand why the issue is so controversial(有争议的). “The discussion is related to fears of immigration issues,”says Dick Tucker,a social scientist at Pittsburgh’s Carnegie Mellon University.“It’s related to a worry about the changing demography(人口统计)of the US.It’s a worry about who will continue to have political and economic influence.” In fact,the notion of protecting the language has been kicked around almost since the nation’s founding.John Adams lobbied(游说)in 1780 for the creation of a national academy to correct and improve the English language.But his proposal died,since lawmakers saw it as a royalist(保皇主义者)attempt to define personal behavior. Since then,the country hasn’t had a national language,but the idea of recognizing the special status of English lived on. The emotions surrounding language resurface(再次浮现)not because people feel comfortable with English.It is more about the discomfort many Americans feel with the new languages,says Walt Wolfram,a professor at North Carolina State University. “Language is never about language,”he says. According to the 2000 US Census Bureau report,of 209 million Americans over 18 years old,172 million speak only English at home.About 37 million speak languages other than English.Among them,6.5 million speak poor English and 3.1 million don’t speak English at all. Who suggested in the 18th century that English should be protected?

A:Walt Wolfram. B:John Adams. C:Royalists. D:Dick Tucker.

第一篇 A Debate on the English Language A measure declaring English the national language is under intense debate in the United States.The US Senate passed two declarations last week.One calls English the nation’s official language and the other says it is the “common and unifying(统一的)”tongue.But Americans found themselves divided on the issue. Since people worldwide know that most Americans speak only English,many can’t understand why the issue is so controversial(有争议的). “The discussion is related to fears of immigration issues,”says Dick Tucker,a social scientist at Pittsburgh’s Carnegie Mellon University.“It’s related to a worry about the changing demography(人口统计)of the US.It’s a worry about who will continue to have political and economic influence.” In fact,the notion of protecting the language has been kicked around almost since the nation’s founding.John Adams lobbied(游说)in 1780 for the creation of a national academy to correct and improve the English language.But his proposal died,since lawmakers saw it as a royalist(保皇主义者)attempt to define personal behavior. Since then,the country hasn’t had a national language,but the idea of recognizing the special status of English lived on. The emotions surrounding language resurface(再次浮现)not because people feel comfortable with English.It is more about the discomfort many Americans feel with the new languages,says Walt Wolfram,a professor at North Carolina State University. “Language is never about language,”he says. According to the 2000 US Census Bureau report,of 209 million Americans over 18 years old,172 million speak only English at home.About 37 million speak languages other than English.Among them,6.5 million speak poor English and 3.1 million don’t speak English at all. Who suggested in the 18th century that English should be protected?

A:Walt Wolfram. B:John Adams. C:Royalists. D:Dick Tucker.