Text 3
Why aren’t the University Colleges and Institutes just called "University" The simpler answer is that, with a few %xceptions, the University Colleges and Institutes do not usually award all their own degrees. At least some of the degrees, especially at postgraduate level, are likely to be awarded by a large university with which the college or institute is associated.
University Colleges and Institutes tend to be much smaller than typical British universities.
But it is not only a matter of size, but their origins that make them somewhat different from British Universities, old or new. Typically, the present University Colleges and Institutes have developed and grown from Teachers’ Colleges. Until about 20 years ago in most cases, they would have been exclusively concerned with the professional training of teachers. Then they started to offer other courses and degrees, broadly comparable to any university, the only difference being that these institutions do not normally provide degrees in such subjects as Law, Engineering, and Medicine.
The particular strengths of the University Colleges and Institutes lie in their somewhat particular origins. In terms of the courses and subjects offered, there is likely to be an emphasis on those subjects that are closely associated with the School curriculum -- Arts or Humanities subjects. Teacher education itself, of course, almost certainly remains as a strong component of the whole array of courses taught by a University College or Institute. Professional training for the classroom is something that these institutions have specialized in since their foundation, and no University is likely to do it better. Also associated with the smaller institutions’ origins is their strong continuing pastoral (田园式的) tradition and care for the individual student.
Perhaps, there is virtue and merit in what is small: sheer size, especially if it means a loss of what is most human and personal, is not something to be sought of its own sake. The relatively small University Colleges and Institutes have all the facilities and equipment of the bigger Universities.
Lecturers and tutors have to be well qualified because they teach degree courses that are in every way equal in standard to those taught at Universities. So, parents, students, and sponsors need have no doubt about the quality or standing of the degrees that the Colleges award.
Quality assurance is guaranteed. International recognition and comparability with all other British degrees are not, in question. So what else should students, parents, and sponsors worry

What can we infer from paragraph five in this passage()

A:Small size often means lack of virtue and merit B:The University Colleges and Institutes are not human and personal C:Some doubts exist among students, parents and sponsor about the quality of the degrees awarded by the University Colleges and Institutes D:Most University Colleges and Institutes have attractive campuses

Text 2
The right to a trial by jury is a fundamental part of the United States legal system. It is a right firmly rooted in our democratic tradition. The jury system provides a buffer between the complex and often inflexible legal system and the average citizen on trial. The right to be judged by a jury is a right that most Americans feel very strongly about. However, due to recent jury decisions, some critics are questioning the value of this institution.
Our jury system is by no means flawless. It is subject to constant scrutiny and debate concerning its merit and its downfalls. As is true in all institutions, juries are capable of making mistakes. Psychological studies have been done on many aspects of jury behavior. Political scientists are also intrigued by juries and the manner in which they arrive at important decisions. Although most Americans believe in the jury system, there has been considerable controversy surrounding it lately. The public has become even more concerned about this institution recently. The outcomes of the Rodney King, the O. J. Simpson, and the Menendez brothers trials in Los Angeles and the dissatisfaction that followed the jury’s decisions are three examples of instances when the effectiveness of the jury system has come under fierce attack. From the public reaction to these decisions and others like them, it is very clear that the way in which juries reach their decisions is often as important to the American people as it is to the specific person on trial. Many people feel that the average jurist is not equipped to make the kinds of decisions they are faced with. These critics’ suggestions range from restructuring the system up to tally eliminating it.
Most average Americans, I believe, feel that the right to a jury trial is a fundamental one, and its guarantees should be honored. These people would argue that laws are inflexible. They cannot deal with the individual circumstances in each case, but juries can take these into account. Still others believe that juries are favorable because they reflect the morals and values of the community they come from. Indeed, many proponents of the jury support the system because of a particular kind of jury bias, the tendency for jurors, to place justice above the law.
Opponents of the system argue that juries are uneducated in legal procedures and should not be given the type of responsibility they have traditionally had. These people also argue that juries are biased. In fact, the psychological literature provides many examples of this bias. Jurors are less likely to punish a sad or distressed defendant, as opposed to a joyful one, apparently because the defendant is already being punished emotionally. Some opponents say that although juries are instructed not to pay attention to the media, they are more easily influenced by the news than judges. Critics of the jury system also point out that juries are expensive and are often unable to reach an agreement. They argue that the decision making should be left up to the people who know the law, judges and lawyers.
In between these two extremes are those people who agree with the jury system as a whole, but feel that some changes need to be implemented to improve its effectiveness. These people suggest that juries receive instruction prior to hearing testimony .They argue that this would improve the system by providing some working legal knowledge for the jury as well as giving them an idea of what they are to listen for. Research has shown that exposing jurors to the laws involved in their decision making resulted in significantly fewer verdicts of guilty. This finding suggests that lawyers and judges should have the responsibility of insuring .that the jury is adequately informed of the legal issues at hand and the laws available to handle those issues.
On the whole, though, I feel that the American guarantee of trial by jury is a valuable one. I do feel, however, that in order to improve its utility, judges and lawyers need to accept the responsibility for educating the jury on relevant legal issues.

Some critics are questioning the value of the jury system probably because()

A:the jury system is unnecessarily complex and rigid B:recent jury decisions are made against the democratic tradition C:there is constant debate about its merit and its downfalls D:Some juries .have made mistakes recently

Roger Rosenblatt’s book Black Fiction, in attempting to apply literary rather than sociopolitical criteria to its subject, successfully alters the approach taken by most previous studies. As Rosenblatt notes, criticism of Black writing has often served as a pretext for expounding on Black history. Addison Gayle’s recent work, for example, judges the value of Black Fiction by overtly political standards, rating each work according to the notions of Black identity which it propounds.
Although fiction assuredly springs from political circumstances, its authors react to those circumstances in ways other than ideological, and talking about novels and stories primarily as instruments of ideology circumvents much of the fictional enterprise. Rosenblatt’s literary analysis discloses affinities and connections among works of Black Fiction which solely political studies have overlooked or ignored.
Writing acceptable criticism of Black Fiction, however, presupposes giving satisfactory answers to a number of questions. First of all, is there a sufficient reason, other than the racial identity of the authors, to group together works by Black authors Second, how does Black Fiction make itself distinct from other modem fiction with which it is largely contemporaneous Rosenblatt shows that Black Fiction constitutes a distinct body of writing that has an identifiable, coherent literary tradition. Looking at novels written by Black over the last eighty years, he discovers recurring concerns and designs independent of chronology. These structures are thematic, and they spring, not surprisingly, from the central fact that the Black characters in these novels exist in a predominantly white culture, whether they try to conform to that culture or rebel against it.
Black Fiction does leave some aesthetic questions open. Rosenblatt’s thematic analysis permits considerable objectivity ; he even explicitly states that it is not his intention to judge the merit of the various works -- yet his reluctance seems misplaced, especially since an attempt to appraise might have led to interesting results. For instance, some of the novels appear to be structurally diffuse. Is this a defect, or are the authors working out of, or trying to forge a different kind of aesthetic In addition, the style of some Black novels, like Jean Toomer’s Cane, verges on expressionism or surrealism; does this technique provide a counterpoint to the prevalent theme that portrays the fate against which Black heroes are pitted, a theme usually conveyed by more naturalistic modes of expression
In spite of such omissions, what Rosenblatt does include in his discussion makes for an astute and worthwhile study. Black Fiction surveys a wide variety of novels, bringing to our attention in the process some fascinating and little-known works like James Weldon Johnson’s Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man. Its argument is tightly constructed, and its forthright, lucid style exemplifies levelheaded and penetrating criticism.
The author of the text believes that Black Fiction would have been improved had Rosenblatt

A:evaluated more carefully the ideological and historical aspects of Black Fiction B:attempted to be more objective in his approach to novels and stories by Black authors C:explored in greater detail the recurrent thematic concerns of Black Fiction throughout its history D:assessed the relative literary merit of the novels he analyzes thematically

Text 2 The right to a trial by jury is a fundamental part of the United States legal system. It is a right firmly rooted in our democratic tradition. The jury system provides a buffer between the complex and often inflexible legal system and the average citizen on trial. The right to be judged by a jury is a right that most Americans feel very strongly about. However, due to recent jury decisions, some critics are questioning the value of this institution. Our jury system is by no means flawless. It is subject to constant scrutiny and debate concerning its merit and its downfalls. As is true in all institutions, juries are capable of making mistakes. Psychological studies have been done on many aspects of jury behavior. Political scientists are also intrigued by juries and the manner in which they arrive at important decisions. Although most Americans believe in the jury system, there has been considerable controversy surrounding it lately. The public has become even more concerned about this institution recently. The outcomes of the Rodney King, the O. J. Simpson, and the Menendez brothers trials in Los Angeles and the dissatisfaction that followed the jury’s decisions are three examples of instances when the effectiveness of the jury system has come under fierce attack. From the public reaction to these decisions and others like them, it is very clear that the way in which juries reach their decisions is often as important to the American people as it is to the specific person on trial. Many people feel that the average jurist is not equipped to make the kinds of decisions they are faced with. These critics’ suggestions range from restructuring the system up to tally eliminating it. Most average Americans, I believe, feel that the right to a jury trial is a fundamental one, and its guarantees should be honored. These people would argue that laws are inflexible. They cannot deal with the individual circumstances in each case, but juries can take these into account. Still others believe that juries are favorable because they reflect the morals and values of the community they come from. Indeed, many proponents of the jury support the system because of a particular kind of jury bias, the tendency for jurors, to place justice above the law. Opponents of the system argue that juries are uneducated in legal procedures and should not be given the type of responsibility they have traditionally had. These people also argue that juries are biased. In fact, the psychological literature provides many examples of this bias. Jurors are less likely to punish a sad or distressed defendant, as opposed to a joyful one, apparently because the defendant is already being punished emotionally. Some opponents say that although juries are instructed not to pay attention to the media, they are more easily influenced by the news than judges. Critics of the jury system also point out that juries are expensive and are often unable to reach an agreement. They argue that the decision making should be left up to the people who know the law, judges and lawyers. In between these two extremes are those people who agree with the jury system as a whole, but feel that some changes need to be implemented to improve its effectiveness. These people suggest that juries receive instruction prior to hearing testimony .They argue that this would improve the system by providing some working legal knowledge for the jury as well as giving them an idea of what they are to listen for. Research has shown that exposing jurors to the laws involved in their decision making resulted in significantly fewer verdicts of guilty. This finding suggests that lawyers and judges should have the responsibility of insuring .that the jury is adequately informed of the legal issues at hand and the laws available to handle those issues. On the whole, though, I feel that the American guarantee of trial by jury is a valuable one. I do feel, however, that in order to improve its utility, judges and lawyers need to accept the responsibility for educating the jury on relevant legal issues.

Some critics are questioning the value of the jury system probably because()

A:the jury system is unnecessarily complex and rigid B:recent jury decisions are made against the democratic tradition C:there is constant debate about its merit and its downfalls D:Some juries .have made mistakes recently


Part A
Directions:
Read the following four texts. Answer the questions below each text by choosing A, B, C or D.

Text 1

Cabinet meetings outside London are rare and reluctant things. Harold Wilson held one in Brighton in 1966, but only because the Labour Party was already there for its annual conference. In 1921 David Lloyd George summoned the Liberals to Inverness because he didn’t want to cut short his holiday. Gordon Brown’s decision to hold his first cabinet meeting after the summer break in Birmingham, on September 8th, was born of a nobler desire to show the almost nine tenths of Britons who live outside London that they are not ignored. He will have to do better: constitutionally, they are more sidelined now than ever.
Many legislatures use their second chamber to strengthen the representation of sparsely populated areas (every American state, from Wyoming to California, gets two votes in the Senate, for example). Britain’s House of Lords, most of whose members are appointed supposedly on merit, has the opposite bias. A survey by the New Local Government Network (NLGN), a think-tank, finds that London and two of its neighbouring regions are home to more peers than the rest of Britain combined; even Birmingham, the country’s second-largest city, has just one.
Oddly, this distortion is partly thanks to reforms that were supposed to make the Lords more representative. By throwing out most of the hereditary peers in 1999, Labour paved the way for a second chamber that was less posh, less white and less male than before. But in booting out the landed gentry, it also ditched many of those who came from the provinces. The Duke of Northumberland (270th in the Sunday Times’s " Rich List") may not be a member of a downtrodden minority. But Alnwick Castle, his family pile, is in the North-east region, home to just 2% of the Lords’ members now. Geographically speaking, the duke and his fellow toffs were champions of diversity.
The government now wants to reintroduce some geographical fairness, but minus dukes. Long-incubated plans to reform the Lords would see it converted during the next parliament into a body that is mainly or entirely elected. A white paper in July outlined various electoral systems, all based on regional or sub-regional constituencies.
Some would like to see the seat of government prised out of the capital altogether, though in the past this has normally required a civil war or a plague. Southerners whisper that no one would show up if Parliament were based in a backwater such as Manchester. But many don’t now. The NLGN found that peers resident in Northern Ireland vote least often. But next from the bottom are the London-dwellers, who show up for less than a third of the votes on their doorstep. Even the eight who live abroad are more assiduous. The north may seem an awfully long way away, but apparently so is Westminster.
In most countries, what is the purpose of establishing the second chamber of the legislature

A:To compromise with those who have vested interests in existing bodies and those who wish to have more rights and power in political life. B:To be more representative, as House of Lords usually consists of citizens from urban area while House of Commons usually come from rural. C:To help allocate those with high merit as a result of civil service special treatment. D:To ensure to the most possible extent that citizens all across the country may enjoy the same right of claiming and being heard etc.

Roger Rosenblatt’s book Black Fiction, in attempting to apply literary rather than sociopolitical criteria to its subject, successfully alters the approach taken by most previous studies. As Rosenblatt notes, criticism of Black writing has often served as a pretext for expounding on Black history. Addison Gayle’s recent work, for example, judges the value of Black Fiction by overtly political standards, rating each work according to the notions of Black identity which it propounds.
Although fiction assuredly springs from political circumstances, its authors react to those circumstances in ways other than ideological, and talking about novels and stories primarily as instruments of ideology circumvents much of the fictional enterprise. Rosenblatt’s literary analysis discloses affinities and connections among works of Black Fiction which solely political studies have overlooked or ignored.
Writing acceptable criticism of Black Fiction, however, presupposes giving satisfactory answers to a number of questions. First of all, is there a sufficient reason, other than the racial identity of the authors, to group together works by Black authors Second, how does Black Fiction make itself distinct from other modem fiction with which it is largely contemporaneous Rosenblatt shows that Black Fiction constitutes a distinct body of writing that has an identifiable, coherent literary tradition. Looking at novels written by Black over the last eighty years, he discovers recurring concerns and designs independent of chronology. These structures are thematic, and they spring, not surprisingly, from the central fact that the Black characters in these novels exist in a predominantly white culture, whether they try to conform to that culture or rebel against it.
Black Fiction does leave some aesthetic questions open. Rosenblatt’s thematic analysis permits considerable objectivity ; he even explicitly states that it is not his intention to judge the merit of the various works -- yet his reluctance seems misplaced, especially since an attempt to appraise might have led to interesting results. For instance, some of the novels appear to be structurally diffuse. Is this a defect, or are the authors working out of, or trying to forge a different kind of aesthetic In addition, the style of some Black novels, like Jean Toomer’s Cane, verges on expressionism or surrealism; does this technique provide a counterpoint to the prevalent theme that portrays the fate against which Black heroes are pitted, a theme usually conveyed by more naturalistic modes of expression
In spite of such omissions, what Rosenblatt does include in his discussion makes for an astute and worthwhile study. Black Fiction surveys a wide variety of novels, bringing to our attention in the process some fascinating and little-known works like James Weldon Johnson’s Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man. Its argument is tightly constructed, and its forthright, lucid style exemplifies levelheaded and penetrating criticism.

The author of the text believes that Black Fiction would have been improved had Rosenblatt()

A:evaluated more carefully the ideological and historical aspects of Black Fiction B:attempted to be more objective in his approach to novels and stories by Black authors C:explored in greater detail the recurrent thematic concerns of Black Fiction throughout its history D:assessed the relative literary merit of the novels he analyzes thematically

Roger Rosenblatt’s book Black Fiction, in attempting to apply literary rather than sociopolitical criteria to its subject, successfully alters the approach taken by most previous studies. As Rosenblatt notes, criticism of Black writing has often served as a pretext for expounding on Black history. Addison Gayle’s recent work, for example, judges the value of Black Fiction by overtly political standards, rating each work according to the notions of Black identity which it propounds.
Although fiction assuredly springs from political circumstances, its authors react to those circumstances in ways other than ideological, and talking about novels and stories primarily as instruments of ideology circumvents much of the fictional enterprise. Rosenblatt’s literary analysis discloses affinities and connections among works of Black Fiction which solely political studies have overlooked or ignored.
Writing acceptable criticism of Black Fiction, however, presupposes giving satisfactory answers to a number of questions. First of all, is there a sufficient reason, other than the racial identity of the authors, to group together works by Black authors Second, how does Black Fiction make itself distinct from other modem fiction with which it is largely contemporaneous Rosenblatt shows that Black Fiction constitutes a distinct body of writing that has an identifiable, coherent literary tradition. Looking at novels written by Black over the last eighty years, he discovers recurring concerns and designs independent of chronology. These structures are thematic, and they spring, not surprisingly, from the central fact that the Black characters in these novels exist in a predominantly white culture, whether they try to conform to that culture or rebel against it.
Black Fiction does leave some aesthetic questions open. Rosenblatt’s thematic analysis permits considerable objectivity ; he even explicitly states that it is not his intention to judge the merit of the various works -- yet his reluctance seems misplaced, especially since an attempt to appraise might have led to interesting results. For instance, some of the novels appear to be structurally diffuse. Is this a defect, or are the authors working out of, or trying to forge a different kind of aesthetic In addition, the style of some Black novels, like Jean Toomer’s Cane, verges on expressionism or surrealism; does this technique provide a counterpoint to the prevalent theme that portrays the fate against which Black heroes are pitted, a theme usually conveyed by more naturalistic modes of expression
In spite of such omissions, what Rosenblatt does include in his discussion makes for an astute and worthwhile study. Black Fiction surveys a wide variety of novels, bringing to our attention in the process some fascinating and little-known works like James Weldon Johnson’s Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man. Its argument is tightly constructed, and its forthright, lucid style exemplifies levelheaded and penetrating criticism.

The author of the text believes that Black Fiction would have been improved had Rosenblatt ()

A:evaluated more carefully the ideological and historical aspects of Black Fiction B:attempted to be more objective in his approach to novels and stories by Black authors C:explored in greater detail the recurrent thematic concerns of Black Fiction throughout its history D:assessed the relative literary merit of the novels he analyzes thematically

The merit of sales tax is that it decreases government reliance on income taxes.

A:balance B:outcome C:virtue D:supply

微信扫码获取答案解析
下载APP查看答案解析