The term "nationalism" is generally used to describe two phenomena: (1)the members of a nation care about their national identity and(2) that the members of a nation seek to achieve (or sustain) self-determination.
It is traditional, therefore, to distinguish nations from states—whereas a nation often consists of an ethnic or cultural community, a state is a political entity with a high degree of sovereignty. While many states are nations in some sense, there are many nations which are not fully sovereign states. As an example, the Native American Iroquois constitute a nation but not a state, since they do not possess the requisite political authority over their internal or external affairs. If the members of the Iroquois nation were to strive to form a sovereign state in the effort to preserve their identity as a people, they would be exhibiting a state—focused nationalism.
Nationalism has long been ignored as a topic in political philosophy, written off as a relic from bygone times. It has only recently come into the focus of philosophical debate. The surge of nationalism usually presents a morally ambivalent and for this reason often fascinating picture. "National awakenings" and struggles for political independence are often both heroic and inhumanly cruel; the formation of a recognizably national state often responds to deep popular sentiment, but can and does sometimes bring in its wake inhuman consequences, including violent expulsion and "cleansing" of non-nationals, all the way to organized mass murder. The moral debate on nationalism reflects a deep moral tension between solidarity with oppressed national groups on the one hand and repulsion in the face of crimes perpetrated in the name of nationalism on the other.
Nationalism may manifest itself as part of official state ideology or as a popular (non-state) movement and may be expressed along civic, ethnic, cultural, religious or ideological lines. These self-definitions of the nation are used to classify types of nationalism. However, such categories are not mutually exclusive and many nationalist movements combine some or all of these elements to varying degrees. Nationalist movements can also be classified by other criteria, such as scale and location.
Nationalism does not necessarily imply a belief in the superiority of one race over others, but in practice, many nationalists support racial protectionism or racial supremacy. Such racism is typically based upon preference or superiority of the indigenous race of the nation.
Nationalism will become racism when it is combined with ______.
A:political practice B:race superiority C:race identity D:sovereignty
Operating a single currency is not going to be easy. European economic and (1) union will not function (2) hitches. (3) , signs of (4) have already appeared. And these political, economic and social pressures will almost certainly (5) in the years to come.
(6) EMU failure is a topic generally (7) in continental Europe. And for good reason. The (8) of monetary union would almost certainly slam the European Union (9) political (10) and the world into (11) crisis. "It would be almost as bad as a (12) in Europe," says Uwe Angenendt, chief economist (13) BHF-Bank in Frankfurt. The 14 contend EMU failure is not possible. They (15) insist that the political (16) in Europe for monetary union is simply (17) strong to allow (18) to fail. But they (19) a simple fact: European (20) concocted monetary union, and there- fore they can unconcoct it.
A:monetary B:political C:cultural D:commercial
Operating a single currency is not going to be easy. European economic and (1) union will not function (2) hitches. (3) , signs of (4) have already appeared. And these political, economic and social pressures will almost certainly (5) in the years to come.
(6) EMU failure is a topic generally (7) in continental Europe. And for good reason. The (8) of monetary union would almost certainly slam the European Union (9) political (10) and the world into (11) crisis. "It would be almost as bad as a (12) in Europe," says Uwe Angenendt, chief economist (13) BHF-Bank in Frankfurt. The 14 contend EMU failure is not possible. They (15) insist that the political (16) in Europe for monetary union is simply (17) strong to allow (18) to fail. But they (19) a simple fact: European (20) concocted monetary union, and there- fore they can unconcoct it.
A:monetary B:political C:cultural D:commercial
Yasuhisa Shizoki, a 51-year-old MP from Japan’s ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), starts tapping his finger on the dismal economic chart on his coffee table. "Unless we change the decision-making process," he says bluntly, "we are not going to be able to solve this kind of problem." With the economy in such a mess, it may seem a bit of a diversion to be trying to sort out Japan’s political structures as well as its economic problems. But Mr Shiozaki can hardly be accused of time-wasting. He has consistently prodded the government to take a firm hand to ailing banks, and has given warning against complacency after a recent rise in share prices. Far from being a distraction, his latest cause highlights how far Japan is from genuine economic reform.
Since cowriting a report on political reform, which was released by an LDP panel last week, Mr Shiozaki has further upset the party’s old guard. Its legionaries, flanked by columns of the bureaucracy, continue to hamper most attempts to overhaul the economy. Junichiro Koizumi was supposed to change all that, by going over their heads and appealing directly to the public. Yet nearly a year after becoming prime minister, Mr Koizumi has precious little to show for his efforts. His popularity is now flagging and his determination is increasingly in doubt.
As hopes of immediate economic reform fade, optimists are focusing on another potential benefit of Mr Koizumi’s tenure. They hope that his highly personalized style of leadership will pave the way for a permanent change in Japanese politics: towards more united and authoritative cabinets that are held directly accountable for their policies. As that happens, the thinking goes, real economic reforms will be able to follow.
A leading candidate for change is the 40 year-old system--informal but religiously followed--through which the LDP machinery vets every bill before it ever gets to parliament. Most legislation starts in the LDP’s party committees, which mirror the parliamentary committee structure. Proposals then go through two higher LDP bodies, which hammer out political deals to smooth their passage. Only then does the prime minister’s cabinet get fully involved in approving the policy. Most issues have been decided by the LDP mandarins long before they reach this point, let alone the floor of parliament, leaving even the prime minister limited influence, and allowing precious little room for public debate and even less for accountability.
As a result, progress will probably remain slow. Since they know that political reform leads to economic reform, and hence poses a threat to their interests, most of the LDP will resist any real changes. But at least a handful of insiders have now bought into one of Mr Koizumi’s best slogans: "Change the LDP, change Japan."
A:is a new boom on the horizon. B:should follow a political reform. C:is in the charge of committees. D:should precede a political unrest.
The writer mentions the political elements in 19th century opera to illustrate
A:the political messages exposed. B:the universal recognition of high art. C:the intended changes in popular art. D:heroes' and heroines' mental states.
The term "nationalism" is generally used to describe two phenomena: (1)the members of a nation care about their national identity and(2) that the members of a nation seek to achieve (or sustain) self-determination.
It is traditional, therefore, to distinguish nations from states—whereas a nation often consists of an ethnic or cultural community, a state is a political entity with a high degree of sovereignty. While many states are nations in some sense, there are many nations which are not fully sovereign states. As an example, the Native American Iroquois constitute a nation but not a state, since they do not possess the requisite political authority over their internal or external affairs. If the members of the Iroquois nation were to strive to form a sovereign state in the effort to preserve their identity as a people, they would be exhibiting a state—focused nationalism.
Nationalism has long been ignored as a topic in political philosophy, written off as a relic from bygone times. It has only recently come into the focus of philosophical debate. The surge of nationalism usually presents a morally ambivalent and for this reason often fascinating picture. "National awakenings" and struggles for political independence are often both heroic and inhumanly cruel; the formation of a recognizably national state often responds to deep popular sentiment, but can and does sometimes bring in its wake inhuman consequences, including violent expulsion and "cleansing" of non-nationals, all the way to organized mass murder. The moral debate on nationalism reflects a deep moral tension between solidarity with oppressed national groups on the one hand and repulsion in the face of crimes perpetrated in the name of nationalism on the other.
Nationalism may manifest itself as part of official state ideology or as a popular (non-state) movement and may be expressed along civic, ethnic, cultural, religious or ideological lines. These self-definitions of the nation are used to classify types of nationalism. However, such categories are not mutually exclusive and many nationalist movements combine some or all of these elements to varying degrees. Nationalist movements can also be classified by other criteria, such as scale and location.
Nationalism does not necessarily imply a belief in the superiority of one race over others, but in practice, many nationalists support racial protectionism or racial supremacy. Such racism is typically based upon preference or superiority of the indigenous race of the nation.
A:political practice B:race superiority C:race identity D:sovereignty
The term "nationalism" is generally used to describe two phenomena: (1)the members of a nation care about their national identity and(2) that the members of a nation seek to achieve (or sustain) self-determination.
It is traditional, therefore, to distinguish nations from states—whereas a nation often consists of an ethnic or cultural community, a state is a political entity with a high degree of sovereignty. While many states are nations in some sense, there are many nations which are not fully sovereign states. As an example, the Native American Iroquois constitute a nation but not a state, since they do not possess the requisite political authority over their internal or external affairs. If the members of the Iroquois nation were to strive to form a sovereign state in the effort to preserve their identity as a people, they would be exhibiting a state—focused nationalism.
Nationalism has long been ignored as a topic in political philosophy, written off as a relic from bygone times. It has only recently come into the focus of philosophical debate. The surge of nationalism usually presents a morally ambivalent and for this reason often fascinating picture. "National awakenings" and struggles for political independence are often both heroic and inhumanly cruel; the formation of a recognizably national state often responds to deep popular sentiment, but can and does sometimes bring in its wake inhuman consequences, including violent expulsion and "cleansing" of non-nationals, all the way to organized mass murder. The moral debate on nationalism reflects a deep moral tension between solidarity with oppressed national groups on the one hand and repulsion in the face of crimes perpetrated in the name of nationalism on the other.
Nationalism may manifest itself as part of official state ideology or as a popular (non-state) movement and may be expressed along civic, ethnic, cultural, religious or ideological lines. These self-definitions of the nation are used to classify types of nationalism. However, such categories are not mutually exclusive and many nationalist movements combine some or all of these elements to varying degrees. Nationalist movements can also be classified by other criteria, such as scale and location.
Nationalism does not necessarily imply a belief in the superiority of one race over others, but in practice, many nationalists support racial protectionism or racial supremacy. Such racism is typically based upon preference or superiority of the indigenous race of the nation.
A:political practice B:race superiority C:race identity D:sovereignty
political
unpolitical