关于measurement report与measurement control的的传送方向,以下描述正确的是:()
A:measurement report是从UTRAN到UE,measurement control是从UE到UTRAN B:measurement report是从UE到UTRAN,measurement control是从UE到UTRAN C:measurement report是从UTRAN到UE,measurement control是从UTRAN到UE D:measurement report是从UE到UTRAN,measurement control是从UTRAN到UE
Measure Report,用户的测量报告,分为公共测量和专用测量,直观反映了用户所处的无线环境。
在屏幕上显示REPORT.TXT的文本文件内容( )
A:TYPE.REPORT.TXT/ B:TYPEREPORT.TXT/ C:EDITREPORT.TXT/ D:TYPEREPORT/ E:EDITREPORT.TXT/
Text 2
IQ stands for Intelligence Quotient, which is a measure of a person’s intelligence found by means of an intelligence test. Before marks gained in such a test can be useful as information about a person, they must be compared with some standard, or norm. It is not enough simply to know that a boy of thirteen has scored, say, ninety marks in a particular test. To know whether he is clever, average or dull, his marks must be compared with the average achieved by boys of thirteen in that test.
In 1906 the psychologist, Alfred Binet, devised the standard in relation to which intelligence has since been assessed.
He invented a variety of tests and put large numbers of children of different ages through them. He found at what age each test was passed by the average child. For instance, he found that the average child of seven could count backwards from 20 to 1 and the average child of three could repeat the sentence: We are going to have a good time in the country. Binet arranged the various tests in order of difficulty, and used them as a scale against which he could measure every individual. If, for example, a boy aged twelve could only do tests that were passed by the average boy of nine, Binet held that he was three years below average, and that he has a mental age of nine.
The concept of mental age provided Binet, and through him, other psychologists, with the required standard, which enables him to state scores in intelligence tests in terms of a norm. At first, it was usual to express the result of a test by the difference between the "mental" and the "chronological" age. Then the boy in the example given would be "three years retarded". Soon, however, the "mental ratio" was introduced, that is to say, the ratio of the mental age to the chronological age. Thus a ’boy of twelve with a mental age of nine has a mental ratio of 0.75.
The mental age was replaced by the "intelligence quotient" or "ID". The IQ is the mental ratio multiplied by 100. For example, a boy of twelve with a mental age of nine has an IQ of 75. Clearly, since the mental age of average child is equal to the chronological age, the average IQ is 100.
A:standard B:mark C:measure D:intelligence
Who is poor in America This is a hard question to answer. Despite poverty’s messiness, we’ve measured progress against it by a single statistic: the federal poverty line. In 2008, the poverty threshold was $ 21,834 for a four-member family with two children under 18. By 1his measure, we haven’t made much progress. Except for recessions, when the poverty rate can rise to 15 percent, it’s stayed in a narrow range for decades. In 2007—the peak of the last business cycle—the poverty rate was 12.5 percent; one out of eight Americans was "poor. " In 1969, another business-cycle peak, the poverty rate was 12.1 percent. But the apparent lack of progress is misleading for two reasons.
First, it ignores immigration. Many immigrants are poor and low skilled. They add to the poor. From 1989 to 2007, about three quarters of the increase in the poverty population occurred among Hispanics—mostly immigrants, their children, and grandchildren. The poverty rate for blacks fell during this period, though it was still much too high (24.5 percent in 2007). Poverty "experts" don’t dwell on immigration, because it implies that more restrictive policies might reduce U.S. poverty.
Second, the poor’s material well-being has improved. The official poverty measure obscures this by counting only pretax cash income and ignoring other sources of support. These include the earned-income tax credit (a rebate to low-income workers), food stamps, health insurance (Medicaid), and housing subsidies. Although many poor live hand to mouth, they’ve participated in rising living standards. In 2005, 91 percent had microwaves, 79 percent air-conditioning, and 48 percent cell phones.
The existing poverty line could be improved by adding some income sources and subtracting some expenses (example: child care). Unfortunately, the administration’s proposal for a "supplemental poverty measure" in 2011—to complement, not replace, the existing poverty line—goes beyond that. The new poverty number would compound public confusion. It also raises questions about whether the statistic is tailored to favor a political agenda.
The "supplemental measure" ties the poverty threshold to what the poorest third of Americans spend on food, housing, clothing, and utilities. The actual threshold not yet calculated—will probably be higher than today’s poverty line. Moreover, this definition has strange consequences. Suppose that all Americans doubled their income tomorrow, and suppose that their spending on food, clothing, housing, and utilities also doubled. That would seem to signify less poverty—but not by the new poverty measure. It wouldn’t decline, because the poverty threshold would go up as spending went up. Many Americans would find this weird., people get richer, but "poverty" stays stuck.
What produces this outcome is a different view of poverty. The present concept is an absolute one: the poverty threshold reflects the amount estimated to meet basic needs. By contrast, the new measure embraces a relative notion of poverty: people are automatically poor if they’re a given distance from the top, even if their incomes are increasing.
The author thinks the existing poverty line
A:is a faithful measure of poverty. B:is not adequate as a measure. C:is not as good as the supplemental measure. D:should have been discarded long ago.
Who is poor in America This is a hard question to answer. Despite poverty’s messiness, we’ve measured progress against it by a single statistic: the federal poverty line. In 2008, the poverty threshold was $ 21,834 for a four-member family with two children under 18. By 1his measure, we haven’t made much progress. Except for recessions, when the poverty rate can rise to 15 percent, it’s stayed in a narrow range for decades. In 2007—the peak of the last business cycle—the poverty rate was 12.5 percent; one out of eight Americans was "poor. " In 1969, another business-cycle peak, the poverty rate was 12.1 percent. But the apparent lack of progress is misleading for two reasons.
First, it ignores immigration. Many immigrants are poor and low skilled. They add to the poor. From 1989 to 2007, about three quarters of the increase in the poverty population occurred among Hispanics—mostly immigrants, their children, and grandchildren. The poverty rate for blacks fell during this period, though it was still much too high (24.5 percent in 2007). Poverty "experts" don’t dwell on immigration, because it implies that more restrictive policies might reduce U.S. poverty.
Second, the poor’s material well-being has improved. The official poverty measure obscures this by counting only pretax cash income and ignoring other sources of support. These include the earned-income tax credit (a rebate to low-income workers), food stamps, health insurance (Medicaid), and housing subsidies. Although many poor live hand to mouth, they’ve participated in rising living standards. In 2005, 91 percent had microwaves, 79 percent air-conditioning, and 48 percent cell phones.
The existing poverty line could be improved by adding some income sources and subtracting some expenses (example: child care). Unfortunately, the administration’s proposal for a "supplemental poverty measure" in 2011—to complement, not replace, the existing poverty line—goes beyond that. The new poverty number would compound public confusion. It also raises questions about whether the statistic is tailored to favor a political agenda.
The "supplemental measure" ties the poverty threshold to what the poorest third of Americans spend on food, housing, clothing, and utilities. The actual threshold not yet calculated—will probably be higher than today’s poverty line. Moreover, this definition has strange consequences. Suppose that all Americans doubled their income tomorrow, and suppose that their spending on food, clothing, housing, and utilities also doubled. That would seem to signify less poverty—but not by the new poverty measure. It wouldn’t decline, because the poverty threshold would go up as spending went up. Many Americans would find this weird., people get richer, but "poverty" stays stuck.
What produces this outcome is a different view of poverty. The present concept is an absolute one: the poverty threshold reflects the amount estimated to meet basic needs. By contrast, the new measure embraces a relative notion of poverty: people are automatically poor if they’re a given distance from the top, even if their incomes are increasing.
A:is a faithful measure of poverty B:is not adequate as a measure C:is not as good as the supplemental measure D:should have been discarded long ago
Working on a newspaper is a very busy job. Many newspapers (21) each day, and they have to (22) people with all the latest news. The editor is in (23) of the paper. Reporters (24) news stories and write them. The paper is printed so that it is (25) sale every morning.
People (26) up the editor when something interesting (27) . The editor sends a reporter and a photographer to find out (28) .
The reporter phones the newspaper to tell the story. A typist types it (29) . Next, the editor decides how much "space" to give the story. Important stories (30) most of a page. The stories are keyed (输入) into a computer and (31) print.
The first copies are called "proofs (校样) ". Another editor (32) mistakes. The stories are all (33) in the paper. Then the paper is printed.
The newspapers are (34) by lorry, plane or rail. (35) are taken all over the country. The (36) arrive early in the morning, and people buy them.
Not all newspapers (37) every day. Some are weekly with a Sunday edition. Local (地方的) newspapers (38) the news for different parts of the country.
Working on a daily paper is always busy. But people working on weekly papers do not have to work (39) such a hurry. Sometimes reporters (40) all over the world to report news.
A:to report B:reports C:report D:reporting
Working on a newspaper is a very busy job. Many newspapers (21) each day, and they have to (22) people with all the latest news. The editor is in (23) of the paper. Reporters (24) news stories and write them. The paper is printed so that it is (25) sale every morning.
People (26) up the editor when something interesting (27) . The editor sends a reporter and a photographer to find out (28) .
The reporter phones the newspaper to tell the story. A typist types it (29) . Next, the editor decides how much "space" to give the story. Important stories (30) most of a page. The stories are keyed (输入) into a computer and (31) print.
The first copies are called "proofs (校样) ". Another editor (32) mistakes. The stories are all (33) in the paper. Then the paper is printed.
The newspapers are (34) by lorry, plane or rail. (35) are taken all over the country. The (36) arrive early in the morning, and people buy them.
Not all newspapers (37) every day. Some are weekly with a Sunday edition. Local (地方的) newspapers (38) the news for different parts of the country.
Working on a daily paper is always busy. But people working on weekly papers do not have to work (39) such a hurry. Sometimes reporters (40) all over the world to report news.
A:to report B:reports C:report D:reporting
A:h has more quantity of sensitive electrical devices. B:It can measure very small changes in the Earth’s surface. C:Require less Human Resources. D:More accurate on predicting site of earthquakes.