一个质控结果超过均值+_2s，另一个质控结果超过均值-_2s，该规则为（）.

A:1_2s B:1_3s C:2_2s D:R_4s E:4_1s

两个连续的质控结果同时超过均值+_2s或均值-_2s，该规则为（）.

A:1_2s B:1_3s C:2_2s D:R_4s E:4_1s

2_2s指的是（　）

A:同批两个质控结果之差值超过4s，即一个质控结果超过+2s，另一质控结果超过-2s，表示存在随机误差 B:一个质控结果超过±3s，为违背此规则，提示存在随机误差 C:两个连续质控结果同时超过+2s或-2s，为违背此规则，表示存在系统误差 D:一个质控品连续的四次测定结果都超过+1s或-1s，两个质控品连续两次测定都超过+1s或-1s，为违背此规则，表示存在系统误差 E:10个连续的质控结果在平均数一侧，为违背此规则，表示存在系统误差

4_1s指的是（　）

A:同批两个质控结果之差值超过4s，即一个质控结果超过+2s，另一质控结果超过-2s，表示存在随机误差 B:一个质控结果超过±3s，为违背此规则，提示存在随机误差 C:两个连续质控结果同时超过+2s或-2s，为违背此规则，表示存在系统误差 D:一个质控品连续的四次测定结果都超过+1s或-1s，两个质控品连续两次测定都超过+1s或-1s，为违背此规则，表示存在系统误差 E:10个连续的质控结果在平均数一侧，为违背此规则，表示存在系统误差

物体做匀加速直线运动，已知第1s末的速度是6m/s，第2s末的速度是8m/s，则下面结论正确的是（）

A:物体零时刻的速度是3m/s B:物体的加速度是2m/s2 C:物体前两秒的位移是12m D:第1s内的平均速度是6m/s

在下列电子结构式中，不能正确表示基态原子的电子结构式的是（）。
说明：[He]表示1s²结构，[Ne]表示1s²2s²2p⁶结构，[Ar]表示1s²2s²2p⁶3s²3p⁶结构。

A:[He]2s² B:[Ne]3s²3p⁴ C:[Ar]4s²4p⁵ D:[Ar]3d⁶4s²

In 1993, I published a book, The Rage of a Privileged Class, whose central thesis was that even the most gifted African-Americans assumed that they would never crash through America’s glass ceiling—no matter how talented, well educated, or hardworking they were. Few people of any race would claim that true equality has arrived; but so much has changed since Rage came out. Color is becoming less and less a burden; race is less and less an immovable barrier.
My new research explores how that phenomenon is changing the way people of all races view the American landscape. I polled two groups of especially accomplished people of color. One is the African-American alumni of Harvard Business School. The other is the alumni of A Better Chance, a program, founded in 1963, that sends ambitious, talented youngsters to some of the nation’s best secondary schools.
Generations, I concluded from my study, mattered deeply—with their defining characteristics rooted in America’s evolving racial dynamics. Generation 1, in this categorization, is the civil-rights generation—those (born before 1945) who participated in, or simply bore witness to, the defining 20th-century battle for racial equality. It is the generation of whites who, in large measure, saw blacks as alien beings and the generation of blacks who, for the most part, saw whites as irremediably prejudiced. Gen 2s (born between 1945 and 1969) were much less racially constrained—though they remained, in large measure, stuck in a tangle of racial stereotypes. Gen 3s (born between 1970 and 1995) saw race as less of a big deal. And that ability to see a person beyond color has cleared the way for a generation of Believers—blacks who fully accept that America means what it says when it promises to give them a shot.
That new reality made itself clear when I compared black Gen 1 Harvard M. B. A. s with their Gen 3 counterparts. Seventy-five percent of Gen 1s said blacks faced "a lot" of discrimination, compared with 49 percent of Gen 3s. Twenty-five percent of Gen 1s thought their educational attainments put them "on an equal professional footing with white peers or competitors with comparable educational credentials," compared with 62 percent of Gen 3s. Ninety-three percent of Gen 1s saw a glass ceiling at their current workplaces, compared with 46 percent of Gen 3s.
I am not about to make a statistical argument based on these numbers, but the message nonetheless seems clear. In the time since the Gen 1s came on the scene, a revolution has occurred. Those uptight suburbanites who couldn’t imagine socializing with, working for, or marrying a "Negro," who thought blacks existed in an altogether different dimension, who could no more see dining with a black person than dining with a giraffe, have slowly given way to a new generation that embraces—at least consciously—the concept of equality. Americans have, in some substantial way, re-created each other—to an extent that our predecessors might find astounding.
Which of the following is true about the three generations

A:Generation 1s still live in a discriminatory environment. B:Generation 2s are classified into different racial types. C:Generation 3s think they can enjoy true racial equality. D:Generation 3s have better memories of their university life.

In 1993, I published a book, The Rage of a Privileged Class, whose central thesis was that even the most gifted African-Americans assumed that they would never crash through America’s glass ceiling—no matter how talented, well educated, or hardworking they were. Few people of any race would claim that true equality has arrived; but so much has changed since Rage came out. Color is becoming less and less a burden; race is less and less an immovable barrier.
My new research explores how that phenomenon is changing the way people of all races view the American landscape. I polled two groups of especially accomplished people of color. One is the African-American alumni of Harvard Business School. The other is the alumni of A Better Chance, a program, founded in 1963, that sends ambitious, talented youngsters to some of the nation’s best secondary schools.
Generations, I concluded from my study, mattered deeply—with their defining characteristics rooted in America’s evolving racial dynamics. Generation 1, in this categorization, is the civil-rights generation—those (born before 1945) who participated in, or simply bore witness to, the defining 20th-century battle for racial equality. It is the generation of whites who, in large measure, saw blacks as alien beings and the generation of blacks who, for the most part, saw whites as irremediably prejudiced. Gen 2s (born between 1945 and 1969) were much less racially constrained—though they remained, in large measure, stuck in a tangle of racial stereotypes. Gen 3s (born between 1970 and 1995) saw race as less of a big deal. And that ability to see a person beyond color has cleared the way for a generation of Believers—blacks who fully accept that America means what it says when it promises to give them a shot.
That new reality made itself clear when I compared black Gen 1 Harvard M. B. A. s with their Gen 3 counterparts. Seventy-five percent of Gen 1s said blacks faced "a lot" of discrimination, compared with 49 percent of Gen 3s. Twenty-five percent of Gen 1s thought their educational attainments put them "on an equal professional footing with white peers or competitors with comparable educational credentials," compared with 62 percent of Gen 3s. Ninety-three percent of Gen 1s saw a glass ceiling at their current workplaces, compared with 46 percent of Gen 3s.
I am not about to make a statistical argument based on these numbers, but the message nonetheless seems clear. In the time since the Gen 1s came on the scene, a revolution has occurred. Those uptight suburbanites who couldn’t imagine socializing with, working for, or marrying a "Negro," who thought blacks existed in an altogether different dimension, who could no more see dining with a black person than dining with a giraffe, have slowly given way to a new generation that embraces—at least consciously—the concept of equality. Americans have, in some substantial way, re-created each other—to an extent that our predecessors might find astounding.

A:Generation 1s still live in a discriminatory environment B:Generation 2s are classified into different racial types C:Generation 3s think they can enjoy true racial equality D:Generation 3s have better memories of their university life