单项选择
单项选择
For health insurance, the United States has taken the road less traveled. The United States is the only rich country without universal health insurance. People in the United States spend the most, rely heavily on the private sector, and obtain care from the world’s most complicated delivery system. While some supporters have expressed satisfaction, if not pride, in these remarkable qualities, others contend that the United States faces unique limitations in reforming health care.
In her exceptional book, Parting at the Crossroads, Antonia Maioni compares the formation of the U.S. and Canadian health-care systems for the years 1930-60. The United States and Canada are often considered the most similar of Western democracies. They share a common border, are wealthy, and have federal government. Their trade unions are only moderately powerful, and their populations are diverse and young. Nevertheless, their health-insurance systems are nearly opposite. The United States relies on a mix of government plans, targeted to the elderly and indigent, and employment-based plans, which the government indirectly supports. Canada offers public health insurance to all qualified residents, with the private sector providing supplementary ’services in some provinces.
Labor organizations became strong advocates for health-insurance reform in both countries. Their impact partially depended on political institutions and how other actors, particularly organized medicine, wielded them. Canada’s governmental and electoral systems allowed labor to cooperate with a social democratic party in the Saskatchewan Province, which established a universal program. The Saskatchewan program demonstrated universal insurance feasibility, spurring the dominant Liberals to introduce a national universal program. In contrast, the U. S. electoral system effectively precluded third-party formation, forcing organized labor to dilute its health-insurance goals because it was one of many interests represented by the Democratic Party.
Maioni suggested that economic vitality is important for the future of both countries’ systems, but the prognosis is uncertain. Despite recent concerns about the Canadian government’s budgetary health, Maioni contends that widespread support protects universal insurance. Conversely, Maioni seems pessimistic about options for U.S. universal health insurance. Despite economic buoyancy, dissension will likely prevent reforms. Although a devastating economic downturn would make health finance difficult in either country, the U.S. system seems especially vulnerable. Employment-based insurance and Medicare both rely on labor market attachment. High, chronic unemployment could result in coverage loss and financial difficulties for employer insurance and Medicare, swelling the uninsured pool. Such a crisis could provide an opening for universal health insurance. In any case, whether the United States relies on the public or private sector, escalating health expenditures figure into budget of government, corporations, and families. The U.S. health care system’s future may depend on Americans’ willingness to devote more of their national income to health care.
Canadian health-care systems are different from those of the U.S. in that______.
A:the federal government is directly responsible for them B:private sectors in Canada play a more important role C:the government only indirectly supports the employment-based plans D:the trade unions in both countries are only moderately powerful in such matters
College sports in the United States are a huge deal. Almost all major American universities have football, baseball, basketball and hockey programs, and (1) millions of dollars each year to sports. Most of them earn millions (2) as well, in television revenues, sponsorships. They also benefit (3) from the added publicity they get via their teams. Big-name universities (4) each other in the most popular sports. Football games at Michigan regularly (5) crowds of over 20, 000. Basketball’s national collegiate championship game is a TV (6) on a par with any other sporting event in the United States, (7) perhaps the Super Bowl itself. At any given time during fall or winter one can (8) one’s TV set and see the top athletic programs — from schools like Michigan, UCLA, Duke and Stanford — (9) in front of packed houses and national TV audiences.
The athletes themselves are (10) and provided with scholarships. College coaches identify (11) teenagers and then go into high schools to (12) the country’s best players to attend their universities. There are strict rules about (13) coaches can recruit — no recruiting calls after 9 p. m., only one official visit to a campus — but they are often bent and sometimes (14) . Top college football programs (15) scholarships to 20 or 30 players each year, and those student-athletes, when they arrive (16) campus, receive free housing, tuition, meals, books, etc.
In return, the players (17) the program in their sport. Football players at top colleges (18) two hours a day, four days a week from January to April. In summer, it’s back to strength and agility training four days a week until mid-August, when camp (19) and preparation for the opening of the September-to-December season begins (20) . During the season, practices last two or three hours a day from Tuesday to Friday. Saturday is game day. Mondays are an officially mandated day of rest.
A:apparently B:indirectly C:regularly D:greatly
For health insurance, the United States has taken the road less traveled. The United States is the only rich country without universal health insurance. People in the United States spend the most, rely heavily on the private sector, and obtain care from the world’s most complicated delivery system. While some supporters have expressed satisfaction, if not pride, in these remarkable qualities, others contend that the United States faces unique limitations in reforming health care.
In her exceptional book, Parting at the Crossroads, Antonia Maioni compares the formation of the U.S. and Canadian health-care systems for the years 1930—1960. The United States and Canada are often considered the most similar of Western democracies. They share a common border, are wealthy, and have federal government. Their trade unions are only moderately powerful, and their populations are diverse and young. Nevertheless, their health-insurance systems are nearly opposite. The United States relies on a mix of government plans, targeted to the elderly and indigent, and employment-based plans, which the government indirectly supports. Canada offers public health insurance to all qualified residents, with the private sector providing supplementary services in some provinces.
Labor organizations became strong advocates for health-insurance reform in both countries. Their impact partially depended on political institutions and how other actors, particularly organized medicine, wielded them. Canada’s governmental and electoral systems allowed labor to cooperate with a social democratic party in the Saskatchewan province, which established a universal program. The Saskatchewan program demonstrated universal insurance feasibility, spurring the dominant Liberals to introduce a national universal program. In contrast, the U.S. electoral system effectively precluded third-party formation, forcing organized labor to dilute its health-insurance goals because it was one of many interests represented by the Democratic Party.
Maioni suggests that economic vitality is important for the future of both countries’ systems, but the prognosis is uncertain. Despite recent concerns about the Canadian government’s budgetary health, Maioni contends that widespread support protects universal insurance. Conversely, Maioni seems pessimistic about options for U.S. universal health insurance. Despite economic buoyancy, dissension will likely prevent reforms. Although a devastating economic downturn would make health finance difficult in either country, the U.S. system seems especially vulnerable. Employment-based insurance and medicare both rely on labor market attachment. High, chronic unemployment could result in coverage loss and financial difficulties for employer insurance and medicare, swelling the uninsured pool. Such a crisis could provide an opening for universal health insurance. In any case, whether the United States relies on the public or private sector, escalating health expenditures figure into budgets of government, corporations, and families. The U.S. health care system’s future may depend on Americans’ willingness to devote more of their national income to health care.
Canadian health-care systems are different from those of the U.S. in that
A:the federal government is directly responsible for them. B:private sectors in Canada play a more important role. C:the government only indirectly supports the employment-based plans. D:the trade unions in both countries are only moderately powerful in such matters.
For health insurance, the United States has taken the road less traveled. The United States is the only rich country without universal health insurance. People in the United States spend the most, rely heavily on the private sector, and obtain care from the world’s most complicated delivery system. While some supporters have expressed satisfaction, if not pride, in these remarkable qualities, others contend that the United States faces unique limitations in reforming health care.
In her exceptional book,Parting at the Crossroads, Antonia Maioni compares the formation of the U.S. and Canadian health-care systems for the years 1930—1960. The United States and Canada are often considered the most similar of Western democracies. They share a common border, are wealthy, and have federal government. Their trade unions are only moderately powerful, and their populations are diverse and young. Nevertheless, their heath-insurance systems are nearly opposite. The United States relies on a mix of government plans. Targeted to the elderly and indigent, and employment based plans, which the government indirectly supports, Canada offers public health insurance to all qualified resident, with the private sector providing supplementary services in some provinces.
Labor organizations became strong advocates for health-insurance reform in both countries. Their impact partially depended on political institutions and how other actors, particularly organized medicine, wielded them. Canada’s governmental and electoral systems allowed labor to cooperate with a social democratic party in the Saskatchewan province, which established a universal program. The Saskatchewan program demonstrated universal insurance feasibility, spurring the dominant Liberals to introduce a national universal program. In contrast, the U. S. electoral system effectively precluded third-party formation, forcing organized labor to dilute its health-insurance goals because it was one of many interests represented by the Democratic Party.
Maioni suggests that economic vitality is important for the future of both countries’ systems, but the prognosis is uncertain. Despite recent concerns about the Canadian government’s budgetary health, Maioni contends that widespread support protects universal insurance. Conversely, Maioni seems pessimistic about options for U.S. universal health insurance. Despite economic buoyancy, dissension will likely prevent reforms. Although a devastating econmnic downturn would make health finance difficult in either country, the U.S. system seems especially vulnerable. Employment-based insurance and Medicare both rely on labor market attachment. High, chronic unemployment could result in coverage loss and financial difficulties for employer insurance and Medicare, swelling the uninsured pool. Such a crisis could provide an opening for universal health insurance. In any case, whether the United States relies on the public or private sector, escalating health expenditures figure into budget of government, corporations, and families, the U. S. health care system’s future may depend on Americans" willingness to devote more of their national income to health care.
Canadian heahh-care systems are dill)rent from those of the U.S. in that______.
A:the federal government is directly responsible for them B:private sectors in Canada play a more important role C:the government only indirectly supports the employment-based plans D:the trade unions in both countries are only moderately powerful in such matters
College sports in the United States are a huge deal. Almost all major American universities have football, baseball, basketball and hockey programs, and (1) millions of dollars each year to sports. Most of them earn millions (2) as well, in television revenues, sponsorships. They also benefit (3) from the added publicity they get via their teams. Big-name universities (4) each other in the most popular sports. Football games at Michigan regularly (5) crowds of over 90, 000. Basketball’s national collegiate championship game is a TV (6) on a par with any other sporting event in the United States, (7) perhaps the Super Bowl itself. At any given time during fall or winter one can (8) one’s TV set and see the top athletic programs--from schools like Michigan, UCLA, Duke and Stanford-- (9) in front of packed houses and national TV audiences.
The athletes themselves are (10) and provided with sch61arships. College coaches identify (11) teenagers and then go into high schools to (12) the country’s best players to attend their universities. There are strict rules about (13) coaches can recruit--no recruiting calls after 9 p. m. , only one official visit to a campus--but they are often bent and sometimes (14) . Top college football programs (15) scholarships to 20 or 30 players each year, and those student-athletes, when they arrive (16) campus, receive free housing, tuition, meals, books, etc.
In return, the players (17) the program in their sport. Football players at top colleges (18) two hours a day, four days a week from January to April. In summer, it’s back to strength and agility training four days a week until mid-August, when camp (19) and preparation for the opening of the September-to-December season begins (20) During the season, practices last two or three hours a day from Tuesday to Friday. Saturday is game day. Mondays are an officially mandated day of rest.
A:directly B:indirectly C:apart D:indirect
For health insurance, the United States has taken the road less traveled. The United States is the only rich country without universal health insurance. People in the United States spend the most, rely heavily on the private sector, and obtain care from the world’s most complicated delivery system. While some supporters have expressed satisfaction, if not pride, in these remarkable qualities, others contend that the United States faces unique limitations in reforming health care.
In her exceptional book, Parting at the Crossroads, Antonia Maioni compares the formation of the U.S. and Canadian health-care systems for the years 1930—1960. The United States and Canada are often considered the most similar of Western democracies. They share a common border, are wealthy, and have federal government. Their trade unions are only moderately powerful, and their populations are diverse and young. Nevertheless, their health-insurance systems are nearly opposite. The United States relies on a mix of government plans, targeted to the elderly and indigent, and employment-based plans, which the government indirectly supports. Canada offers public health insurance to all qualified residents, with the private sector providing supplementary services in some provinces.
Labor organizations became strong advocates for health-insurance reform in both countries. Their impact partially depended on political institutions and how other actors, particularly organized medicine, wielded them. Canada’s governmental and electoral systems allowed labor to cooperate with a social democratic party in the Saskatchewan province, which established a universal program. The Saskatchewan program demonstrated universal insurance feasibility, spurring the dominant Liberals to introduce a national universal program. In contrast, the U.S. electoral system effectively precluded third-party formation, forcing organized labor to dilute its health-insurance goals because it was one of many interests represented by the Democratic Party.
Maioni suggests that economic vitality is important for the future of both countries’ systems, but the prognosis is uncertain. Despite recent concerns about the Canadian government’s budgetary health, Maioni contends that widespread support protects universal insurance. Conversely, Maioni seems pessimistic about options for U.S. universal health insurance. Despite economic buoyancy, dissension will likely prevent reforms. Although a devastating economic downturn would make health finance difficult in either country, the U.S. system seems especially vulnerable. Employment-based insurance and medicare both rely on labor market attachment. High, chronic unemployment could result in coverage loss and financial difficulties for employer insurance and medicare, swelling the uninsured pool. Such a crisis could provide an opening for universal health insurance. In any case, whether the United States relies on the public or private sector, escalating health expenditures figure into budgets of government, corporations, and families. The U.S. health care system’s future may depend on Americans’ willingness to devote more of their national income to health care.
A:the federal government is directly responsible for them B:private sectors in Canada play a more important role C:the government only indirectly supports the employment-based plans D:the trade unions in both countries are only moderately powerful in such matters
For health insurance, the United States has taken the road less traveled. The United States is the only rich country without universal health insurance. People in the United States spend the most, rely heavily on the private sector, and obtain care from the world’s most complicated delivery system. While some supporters have expressed satisfaction, if not pride, in these remarkable qualities, others contend that the United States faces unique limitations in reforming health care.
In her exceptional book,Parting at the Crossroads, Antonia Maioni compares the formation of the U.S. and Canadian health-care systems for the years 1930—1960. The United States and Canada are often considered the most similar of Western democracies. They share a common border, are wealthy, and have federal government. Their trade unions are only moderately powerful, and their populations are diverse and young. Nevertheless, their heath-insurance systems are nearly opposite. The United States relies on a mix of government plans. Targeted to the elderly and indigent, and employment based plans, which the government indirectly supports, Canada offers public health insurance to all qualified resident, with the private sector providing supplementary services in some provinces.
Labor organizations became strong advocates for health-insurance reform in both countries. Their impact partially depended on political institutions and how other actors, particularly organized medicine, wielded them. Canada’s governmental and electoral systems allowed labor to cooperate with a social democratic party in the Saskatchewan province, which established a universal program. The Saskatchewan program demonstrated universal insurance feasibility, spurring the dominant Liberals to introduce a national universal program. In contrast, the U. S. electoral system effectively precluded third-party formation, forcing organized labor to dilute its health-insurance goals because it was one of many interests represented by the Democratic Party.
Maioni suggests that economic vitality is important for the future of both countries’ systems, but the prognosis is uncertain. Despite recent concerns about the Canadian government’s budgetary health, Maioni contends that widespread support protects universal insurance. Conversely, Maioni seems pessimistic about options for U.S. universal health insurance. Despite economic buoyancy, dissension will likely prevent reforms. Although a devastating econmnic downturn would make health finance difficult in either country, the U.S. system seems especially vulnerable. Employment-based insurance and Medicare both rely on labor market attachment. High, chronic unemployment could result in coverage loss and financial difficulties for employer insurance and Medicare, swelling the uninsured pool. Such a crisis could provide an opening for universal health insurance. In any case, whether the United States relies on the public or private sector, escalating health expenditures figure into budget of government, corporations, and families, the U. S. health care system’s future may depend on Americans" willingness to devote more of their national income to health care.
A:the federal government is directly responsible for them B:private sectors in Canada play a more important role C:the government only indirectly supports the employment-based plans D:the trade unions in both countries are only moderately powerful in such matters
For health insurance, the United States has taken the road less traveled. The United States is the only rich country without universal health insurance. People in the United States spend the most, rely heavily on the private sector, and obtain care from the world’s most complicated delivery system. While some supporters have expressed satisfaction, if not pride, in these remarkable qualities, others contend that the United States faces unique limitations in reforming health care.
In her exceptional book, Parting at the Crossroads, Antonia Maioni compares the formation of the U.S. and Canadian health-care systems for the years 1930-60. The United States and Canada are often considered the most similar of Western democracies. They share a common border, are wealthy, and have federal government. Their trade unions are only moderately powerful, and their populations are diverse and young. Nevertheless, their health-insurance systems are nearly opposite. The United States relies on a mix of government plans, targeted to the elderly and indigent, and employment-based plans, which the government indirectly supports. Canada offers public health insurance to all qualified residents, with the private sector providing supplementary ’services in some provinces.
Labor organizations became strong advocates for health-insurance reform in both countries. Their impact partially depended on political institutions and how other actors, particularly organized medicine, wielded them. Canada’s governmental and electoral systems allowed labor to cooperate with a social democratic party in the Saskatchewan Province, which established a universal program. The Saskatchewan program demonstrated universal insurance feasibility, spurring the dominant Liberals to introduce a national universal program. In contrast, the U. S. electoral system effectively precluded third-party formation, forcing organized labor to dilute its health-insurance goals because it was one of many interests represented by the Democratic Party.
Maioni suggested that economic vitality is important for the future of both countries’ systems, but the prognosis is uncertain. Despite recent concerns about the Canadian government’s budgetary health, Maioni contends that widespread support protects universal insurance. Conversely, Maioni seems pessimistic about options for U.S. universal health insurance. Despite economic buoyancy, dissension will likely prevent reforms. Although a devastating economic downturn would make health finance difficult in either country, the U.S. system seems especially vulnerable. Employment-based insurance and Medicare both rely on labor market attachment. High, chronic unemployment could result in coverage loss and financial difficulties for employer insurance and Medicare, swelling the uninsured pool. Such a crisis could provide an opening for universal health insurance. In any case, whether the United States relies on the public or private sector, escalating health expenditures figure into budget of government, corporations, and families. The U.S. health care system’s future may depend on Americans’ willingness to devote more of their national income to health care.
Canadian health-care systems are different from those of the U.S. in that______.
A:the federal government is directly responsible for them B:private sectors in Canada play a more important role C:the government only indirectly supports the employment-based plans D:the trade unions in both countries are only moderately powerful in such matters
